




J^^ 












FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. 



. (V' ^ 



.-^^ 



v/ 



ADOPTED BY THE 




DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION, 

HELD IN INDIANAPOLIS, IND., ON MARCH 15, 18GC, 

To the People of Indiana, on Questions of National and State Policy, now 
in Issue before the Country. 



To THE Voters of Indiana; 

Fellow Citizens; As the representatives of 
the Democratic party of the State, we again ad- 
dress you. la doing so, we take occasion to 
say that we are proud that we are humble mem- 
bers of that great party, which has existed in 
this country for three quarters of a century — 
which has controlled the destinies of this people 
for three-fourths of that time — and which, 
through peace and war, in prosperity and adver- 
sity, has always insisted upon abiding by the 
compact of our fathers — the Constitution of our 
country. 

We appeal to you to consider, with us, of the 
past; to firmly look at the present, and to rea- 
son of the future; and, to this end, we sincerely 
hope that we will be able to cast behind us all 
the prejudices engendered by the party conflicts 
of other days. We desire to call attention to 
by-gone political struggles, only in that spirit 
which shall enable us to draw therefrom wisdom 
and courage to guide us in the future. ^ 

The history of political parties in this country 
shows the long struggle the Democratic party 
have had, under Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, 
Jackson and their successors, to prevent the 
consolidation of undue power in the general 
government — and the absorption of the reserved 
rights of the States and the people. The Dem- 
ocracy have always insisted that the Constitu- 
tion ot the United States created only a limited 
government. That is, that the States, through 
it, should be as one in regard to all matters con 
nected with foreign governments, but distinct 
and several as to all matters purely domestic. 
It is well known that every party based upon 
the idea, either directly or remotely avowed, of 
the possession by the Federal Government of 
extraordinarv powers; powers not expressly dele- 
gated by the Constitution, have either sooner or 
later sunk beneath the steady assertion, by the 
people, of their reserved rights, and the rights 
of the States. This had been the fate of the 
Federal and Whig parties, and will as assuredly 
^he fate of the Abolition- Republican party, 



as soon as the sober second thought has time for 
development. This must be so. for the usurpa- 
tion of extraordiaary powers by this party has 
been infinitely greater than that of any that pre- 
ceded it. Among the very greatest of the 
many grievous misfortunes consequent upon the 
rebellion, now happily ended, was the fact that 
the withdrawal from Congress of a large num- 
ber of members, representing the interests of 
agriculture, enabled those favoring the exercise 
of extraordinary powers, to direct legislation to 
suit their views. They possessed the legislative 
and executive branches of the government and 
paralized the judiciary. They at once establish- 
ed the strong government for which they had^ 
labored for almost three quarters of a century,, 
and under it they sought and obtained the en- 
actment of laws that have built up an aristocracy 
of wealth, in manufacturing and commercial 
circles, that bears none of the burdens of gov- 
ernment, but makes it the mere agent to collect 
the hard earnings of the people, and pour it into 
their lap. It has thus fallen out that so many 
have, in the last five years, been so benefited 
and enriched under the wing of this strong gov- 
ernment, that they now insist upon progressing, 
step by step, until every vestige of authority in 
State Governments, or liberty in the people, 
will be wrested from them, unless the barrier of 
the true doctrines of the Constitution can be in 
terposed. 

The events of the last five years have devel- 
oped questions, in the settlement of which is 
involved the vital principles of our system of 
governments— the theory of our free institutions. 
And first among these is the question of 

THE UNION OF" THE STATES. 

Shall the Union of our fathers be restored, 
or shall it be broken up for an indefinite period 
of time? Broken Hp in fact if not in law. 

At the threshold the questiou presents itself: 
In what relation do the States, and the people 
of the States Utely in rebellion, stand toward 
the General Government? The ordinances of 



:p\ 



Becejsion, adopted in such States, were evident 
ly in such form as to sever all connection with 
the United States Govemment, if the legal rigid 
existed to adopt them. 

The existence of such a right can not be con- 
ceded, although claimed, and perhaps, honei-tiv 
believed to exist, by those who inaugurated the 
late rebellion The admis3ion,of such author- 
ity in a State, under our form of government, 
would involve all who sustained the Federal 
Government in the late fearful struggle in the 
wicked position of lending their aid to coerce 
and crush down a whole people for asserting a 
constitutional right. This would be pure des- 
potism. Then, laying aside and keeping out of 
view, any question ns to the provocations, or 
from what section they came, which resulted in 
the adoption of those ordinances of secession, 
we must assume that the insurrectionary States 
by such enactments, were in the wrong; and 
the Federal government in the right, in disre- 
garding the same. It surely follows that if the 
Southern people were legally wrong, in their 
efForts, these ordinances were mere nullities, 
and in law said States were still members of the 
Union, although in fact the exercise of their 
rights, as such members were for the time being 
interrupted by force of arms. When the mili- 
tary power thus interposed was broken down by 
the forces of the United States, the States and 
ths people were left to resume their practical re- 
lations in the Union — relations that had been 
thus interrupted by military array. It would 
seem to follow as a logical result, based upon 
the assumption that we were right — that the 
Confederate government was a usurpation, and 
their military array a crime. This usurpation 
and crime having been overcome, the Constitu- 
tion, by virtue of its inherent powers, was re- 
established over the whole country lately in re 
volt, and the Union was, at that instant, in law, 
restored — and as a fact would be fully restored 
80 soon as the Uniced States government could 
re-establish the civil authority thereof within 
the revolted States. How can it be said, then, 
that any condition can be imposed, by those in 
authority, to enable that people and those St-ites 
to resume their civil relations in the Union as a 
practical /aci; when legally they wer« never out 
of the Union? 

If our premises are correct, the conclusion is 
inevitably that no conditions could be rightlully 
required. And if the practical restoration of 
the Union, by requiting the acceptance of ille- 
gal conditions, is prevented, those requiring 
such conditions are disunionists ; for they wiil 
stand in the attitude of preventing a re-union in 
fact, and will be as much to bla me for results as 
if they had severed the Union in the first in- 
stance. To illustrate : Suppose Smith should 
break the leg of White, he might be greatly to 
blame ; but Dr. Johnson being called in, should 
prescribe so effectually that, with the nursing 
and assistance of Smith, who is repentant, the 
healing and knitting process should be going on 
beautifully and without much pain ; but Dr. 
Sumner is not satisfied with the system of prac- 
tice of Dr. Johnson, nnd insists that certain 
foreign substances, euch as a tooth, or a finger 
nail , or a lock of wool off a negro, shall be p'.'.t. 



and Jiept between the knitting, re-uniting^ 
bones, ligaments and muscles. How can they, 
then, re-unite, heal, and become strong And 
if they do not. who is to blame? Smith ori- 
ginally ; but Dr. Sumner eventually. Smith 
perpetrated the injury ; Dr. Sumner will not 
permit the healing process to go forward, as it 
would by the laws of nature, if let alone. So, 
if those meddlers and quacks who insist upon 
thrusting in unnatural laws and conditions, will 
stand aside, and let the knitting process of social 
and commercial intercourse, between the people 
ofthe sections, have its course, a re-unitintr, in 
fact, of the parts will speedily follow. 

But it may be said: conditions were required 
of, and accepted by, the people of the revolted 
States, before they would be heard on the ques- 
tion of restoration ; and as one condition was 
so required, why not others? We answer. If a 
condition was rightfully required of that people, 
they did well to comply with it. If ^ueh con- 
dition was wrongfully required, they only show- 
ed their anxiety to re unite, by accepting the 
same ; but it would not follow that, because a 
prostrate people should readily accept one 
wrongfully required condition that others should 
be insisted upon, not only injurious to them, 
but likewise to ourselves. 

The conditions that have been required, by 
the Federal authorities, and conceded by those 
most deeply interested, are among the questions 
of the past, and such as we shall not therefore 
stop to discuss. Those conditions that are still 
urged by radical Republicans, as necessary to a 
complete restoration of the Union, are living 
questions, and as such we desire to be heard 
upon them ; and among them is: 

NEGRO SUFFRAGE ; 

Which is insisted upon as a prerequisite. That 
is : the ruling party in Congress say, to South- 
ern members who seek for admission to ee-its, 
you must come here upon negro, as well as 
white votes. You shall not take seats unles*< you 
do 80. You must admit the negro to in equal- 
ity with yourselves before the law. Of course 
the extreme advocates of this doctrine expect, 
as a natural result, that social equality will fol- 
low close upon tho heels of legal equaiity. If 
a negro may stand by a white man and vote, 
sit by him in the jury box, testify against hitr 
in court, and hold office over him, why may the 
races not marry and be given in marriage? 
This is the doctrine of tho dominant party in 
Congress, in regard to their power over States 
legally in the Union. If they have thst power 
as to one State ; why not as to another? It' the 
Federal authorities can say to Alabama : you 
must let negroes hohi office, vote, testifv, act as 
jurors, etc., in your Stute ; why may they not 
say the same thing to Indiana? Neither, it is 
assumed, has ever been out of the Union. One 
was for a time prevented, by military force, 
from acting in the Union. Such wpre im t the 
views of the framers of the Constitution. For, 
it will be remembered thut the power to regulate 
the right of suffrage — who shall be a voter in a 
State — is oo where delegated, in ttie Constitu- 
tion, to the United States government ; ar.d by 
the Tenth amendment it is provided that: 



3 



" Th« powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it 
to the States, are reserved to the States respect- 
ively, or to the people." 

From the formation of the Government the 
States have, under this clause, as one of their 
reserved rights, fixed and regulated the right of 
suttrage, each in its own jurisdiction. The 
parly in power did not attain that power by the 
avowal of any such doctrine ; but to the reverse 
declared in the Chicago convention : 

" 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the 
rights of the States, and especially the right of 
each State to order and control its own domestic 
institutions according to its own judgment ex- 
clusively, is essential to that balance of power 
on which the perfection and endurance of our 
political fabric depends," etc. 

But having, thus, under false pretences, ob- 
tained place, they now propose to usurp powers 
not delegated to them, but expressly reserved 
to the States. They set at nought the creed of 
Jefferson in " The support of the Slate govern- 
ments in all their rights, etc " When their leaders 
are pressed upon this point, some of them, such 
as Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, admit 
that the Constitution gives no warrant for such 
acts ; but contend that statesmanship requires 
it. Iq other words, they still harp upon the iu- 
suDSciency, and unsatisfactory provisions of our 
form Oi government. And it is now becoming 
a grave question whether our old government, 
30 long respected by us, shall be held sacred ; 
or whether every mob of cross road politicians 
that meets and calls itself a Congress shall be 
authorized to adopt what they call amendments 
to that almoet inspired work of Washington and 
the fathers. i he fearfully fanatic aPd corrupt 
spirit that has been rampant and dominant in 
Congress (or a long time, and is lately assum- 
ing such direst antagonism to the Constitution 
as it was given to us, requires prompt, outspoken 
action upon the part of the people. 

We are couddebt that the officers and soldier? 
of the West, who rushed to the flag of their 
country with praiseworthy zeal, did so to sus- 
tain the Union of the States, the rights of the 
States, and civil liberty. This was their inten- 
tion. They did not believe that the noble 
blood they shed, and their mangled limbs, left 
upon a hundred battle scarred, well-fought fields, 
were so many sacrifices to promote the political 
and social equality, with themselves, of the 
negro race. We know that thousands, and tens 
of thoBsands of Indiana's proudest sons went 
forth, actuated by other and better motives than 
to bring about a change in our form of govern 
ment — a consolidated empire, and an equality 
of whites with negroes. 

Let us look this question straight in the face. 
It is intended to, and will have tlie effect of 
changing our government, if carried out The 
Constitution of Washington and his compeers 
provides that : 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both 
Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
amendments, etc., which, when ratified by 
three-fourths of the States, shall be valid, etc. — 
Art. 5 of United States Const. 

One House — the Senate, consists of two mem- 



bers from each State. — Art I, sec. 3, Const. 

As there are thirty six States, there should 
be seventy-two members. The Republicans 
have said, by act of Congress, what shall con- 
stitute the other House, namelv: 
CHAPTERXXXVI An Act fixing the num- 
ber of the House of Representatives, from 
and alter the third of March, eighteen hun- 
dred and sixty-three. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re- 
presentatives of the United Slates of America, 
in Congress assembled, That from and after the 
third day of March, eighteen hundred and 
sixty-three, the number of members of the 
House of Representatives, of the Congress of 
the United Stites, shall be two hundred and 
forty-one ; and the eight additional members 
shall be assigned one each to Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, 
Vermont and Rhode Island. 
Approved March 4, Ib62. 
Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 2d ses- 
sion, 37ih Congress, p. 340. 

These Houses, thus constituted, form " The 
Congress." Two-thirds of one House is forty- 
eight, and of the other, one hundred and sixty- 
one. The Republicans having a majority in 
each house exclude twenty-two members from 
the one, and fifty-six from the other ; and, not 
content with that, turn out such as do not suit 
them. They thus create a Rump Congress, in 
which they hope to control two-thirds, and by 
the vote of that faction change the government 
of the whole people. Every member they thus 
exclude they think would be against their pro- 
posed amendments, and would thus defeat them. 
Under this clause of the Constitution can a less 
number than two-thirds of the whole make a 
Constitution for all the people. We say not. 
Every step in that direction is usurpation. If 
it is insisted that such radical changes are to be 
engrafted, then call a general conveution, and 
let the whole people be represented : and not os- 
sume that there are " dead States " But it is 
only to subserve selfish ends that this position 
of " forfeited soverignty " is now assumed when 
speaking of States lately in revolt. The late 
President Lincoln spoke and wrote of them as 
States — not as colonies, provinces, or territor- 
ies. Witness his proclamation of pardon to 
those who would lay down their arms in forty 
days, of July 1, 1862, designating named 
States as in revolt ; of threatened emancipa- 
tion, in September, 1862 ; of emancipation, Jan- 
uary 1,1863. Also, each of his ann^ual mes- 
sages, and the fact of his signing various acts 
of Congress. Certainly it will not be, by his 
friends, presumed that he did not know the 
meaning of the term State. And, but the other 
day, Edwin M Stanton, secretary of war, and 
James Speed, attorney general, both speak of, 
and treat Virginia as a State, in answering the 
inquiry of the Senate as to the charges against, 
and trial of Jefferson Davis. So Congress, dur- 
ing the war, recognized, repeatedly. State exist- 
ence, by solemn legislative acts. "Witness the 
reception of Senators and Represeutatives from 
the States of Missouri, Kentucky, Louisania, 
Virginia and Tennessee ; the act of July 14, 
1862, United States statues, p 572, for colkc- 



tion of revenue ; tbe acts of March 3, 1863, and 
of March 3, 1865, for the seizure of abandoned 
property, pagea 820 and 508 ; the act of Febru- 
ary 7, 1863, in regard to volunteers in tbe State 
of Kentucky, page 641 . 

The act of June 11, 1864, as to courts in the 
State of Virginia, p. 130 ; the act of June 30, 
1864, p 242, to provide internal revenue ; the 
act of March 4, 1862, fixing the number of Re 
presentatives. 

Acta of March 17, 1862, and June 30, 1864, 
as to locating lands in tbe State of Louisiana, 
p. 336. 

Act of July 2,1864,88 to intercourse with 
States in insurrection, p . 387. 

Art of March 3, 1885, for the Freedmen's 
Bureau, in insurrectionary States, p. 507. 

Joint resolution, February 1, 1865, submit- 
ting anti-slavery amendment of Constitution to 
the States, p. 567. Proposed amendment must 
be ratified by three fourths of tbe States. The 
Federal authorities, by requiring thia amend- 
ment to be submitted to States which had been 
in revolt, thereby acknowledged and recognized 
such States as living — not dead. 

Joint resolution of February 8, 1H65, declar- 
ing certain States not entitled to electors, p. 
567. 

These are but a few of the many acts of Con 
gress treating tbe States as living — not dead ; 
through the whole course of rebellion. If the 
ordinances of secession, or the course of the 
rebellion up to March 3, 1865, did not destroy 
their existence as States, when and by what act 
was that thing accomplished ? 

But this is not all. The Republican party it- 
self, did, in the Baltimore convention, by vote, 
receive members from such States, and by the 
nomination and election, and maintaining in 
power of Andrew Johnson, brand, as absurd 
and false, this miserable doctrine of " dead 
States " Tbe Constitution of the United States, 
Art. II, sec 1, and amendment 12, provide 
that the President and Vice President shall 
have resided fourteen years in tfee United States, 
not in a colony or province, as they would now 
make Tennessee to be — the place of President 
Johnson's residence. 

But the reason for now contending that all 
the Southern States are dead, is manifest. Dur- 
ing the war, New England federalists, aboli 
tionista and fanatics, and men of that school of 
politics were the peculiar pets of the Adminis 
Iration ; and through fraudulent contracts, bold 
robberies, cotton and other stealings, many of 
them became wealthy. Others, their associates, 
seeing this, became clamorous at the doors of 
power for opportunities to go and do likewise. 
The end of tbe war, and return of tbe States 
and the people to their duties in the Union was 
likely to leave swarms of these birds of prey 
still unsatisfied. The war had been fought 
upon the principle urged by these very men : 
that no States could withdraw from the Union. 
This tune was immediately changed, and it was 
insisted that these States were out, and should 
be governed and treated as out of the Union. 
That is : that the war had been a failure ; 
that tbe States were dead The purpose was, 
and is, to let these vast flocks of birds of prey — | 



buzzards, vultures — feed and fatten upon the' 
carcass of these dead States. These New Eng- 
land filthy birds of prey would obstruct the- 
light of the sun at noon day iu hovering 
around the hea^ of the President, seeking plate 
and power, if they could obtain the desired leg- 
islation — the laws asked for the government 
of Southern people. The first step, as stated 
by Mr. Trumbull, in that class of enactments, 
was the 

kueedm.^n's bcee.\u bill. 

This was a bill, the details of which we do 
not propose to discuss, but its provisions were 
generally to place all the negroes in the United 
States under the direct, special protection of the 
Federal government ; and the whites under the 
indirect control of tbe agents, who were to oper- 
ate directly for the negroes. 

Tbe bill provided for regiments, iu numbers, 
of these agents, all deriving their power from 
the President, and in their acts to be indepen- 
dent of btate authority, independent of law, as 
applied to your actions, and responsible alone to 
the War department, and ultimately to the Pres- 
ident. To support the acts of these irrespon- 
sible agents the military force of the United 
States was to be used. It appears to have been 
kept steadily in view, in framing the proposed 
law, that tbe negro population should be abso- 
lutely controlled by the legion of government 
agents to be appointed. These agents were ex- 
pected to be Northern men ; and two objects 
were without doubt intended to be accomplished. 
The labor of this population was to be con- 
trolled for the benefit of Northern capitalists, 
who were to obtain possession and control of 
plantations, through confiscation laws or other- 
wise ; and, secondly, such negroes were to be 
made a power in tbe State by directing and 
casting their votes for whomsoever these agents, 
appointees of the President, should indicate. 
The political corruption would have been un- 
precedented ; the discord unheard of. The 
blacks being under tbe special care of the Gov- 
ernment would have been, for that reason, ob- 
jects of jealousy and hatred by the whites in 
their midst, because thev would be looked upon 
as a favored class, to whom extraordinary legal 
protection is given — and this hatred would even- 
tually extend to the Government which upholds 
such abuses. For, it is a great abuse to assume 
in advance that courts, and jurys will perjure 
themselves in governing this popuhition ; and. 
therefore, the Government will substitute, in- 
stead of men learned in tbe law, as judges, and 
jury trials, persons as agents who know no law 
but their own will and prejudice. Tbe blacks 
would become insolent, because kept indepen- 
dent of the usual modes of government, would 
fail to learn their new duties in their changed 
condition ; the whole system, finally, tends to 
corruption, extravagence, and a war between tbe 
races. But the President vetoed this bill, and 
the friends of radicalij^m dare not attempt to up- 
told it. Bad as it was, its frieuds avowed it 
was but tbe forerunner of legislation that would 
have been infinitely worse. But it may be 
asked, why should any pottion of the American 
jjCople be opposed to a restoration of the Union? 



Why should we propose doing the very thing our 
fathers fought against ; that is, taxing a distant 
people — our brethren — without allowing them 
to be heard through their representatives. 
Among the many reasons that exist, three 
prominent ones may be cited : 

First, For years a part of the Northern peo 
pie have been educated to hate Southern men, 
and would therefore gladly deprive them of all 
participation in the affairs of government. 

Second, If the Southern States can be kept 
as dependent colonies, the radicals hope to fill 
many lucrative offices therein; and then, by 
keeping up trouble, great expenses ars incurred, 
and fat contracts are at their command, (or the 
army, the navy, and the freedmen's bureau. 

Third. The whole South is an agricultural 
■country, and the return of members of Congress 
therefrsra, and their participation in the election 
of President, might result in the modification of 
the unjust laws which have made the rich richer; 
and the poor poorer. Among such laws: 

THE TARIFF 

is the most burdensome of this class, and is a 
mode of assessing a tax upon all goods brought 
into this country from foreign countries. In 
this country such laws have always had a two 
fold object: first, to raise money to carry on the 
government; and, second, to enable home manu- 
factures to make more money. Now, as agri- 
culturists and laborers in the West, necessarily 
buy large amounts of goods and wares, &( course 
it is to their interest to get them as cheap as 
possible. We do not now recollect any article 
by them purchased, but what is taxed; and con- 
sequently the price is increased to the person 
who consumes it — that is, he who eats, drinks, 
wears, or otherwise uses such article. If the 
article is one that nothing of the same kind is 
produced in this country, then the increased 
price goes to the use of the government; but if 
similar articles are made or produced in any 
part of the United States, then the tax on, and 
the increase of the price of the foreign articles 
enables the maker or producer, in this country, 
to add that much to the price of his article, 
although it pays no such tariff; and consequent- 
ly that increase goes into his own pocket as 
clear profit. 

The duties that are now exacted are collected 
under the tariff laws of December 24, 1861: 
July 14, 1862; March 3, 1S63, and June 30, 
1864, in which several things are expressly pro- 
vided: 

First. The tax, or tariff, each class of articles 
shall pay, is fixed. 

Second. If any such article is imported in a 
vessel not of the United States, tew per cent, ad- 
ditional is charged. 

Third. Such duties are payable in gold. 

Keeping in view these points, let us select 
some classes and samples of the working of 
these laws. It is trouble, sometimes, to find 
exactly how much an article is charged with. 
As an instance, cloths, shawls, and all manufac- 
tures of wool, in whole or in part, and certain 



worsteds and alpacas are taxed, first, twenty- 
four cents per pound; second, forty per cent, 
ad valorem; third, if valued at over two dollars 
per yard, then, five per cent, additional, and, 
fourth, ten per cent, still added if imported in a 
foreign vessel. 

We have prepared a table, showing in the first 
column the value of the article at the port of 
New York, being the price for which it could 
be bought without a tariff. Second, the rate of 
duty, including the ten per cent., for if our ves- 
sels do the carrying they will charge that much 
more. Third, the premium on gold paid out as 
duty, for this the importer pays, and must sell 
for paper, as, by Republican laws, gold is driven 
out of circulation in this country. The fourth 
column shows the amount, in currency, of tariff. 
The fifth column shows the amount our mer- 
chants have to pay the importer at New York, 
under these laws. If the goods pass through 
other hands, they still add to the price by way 
of profits, until you, the consumer, finally pur- 
chase. We have taken as a basis, the average 
gold premium, over our paper, for near a year 
past, to-wit: forty-five cents. 



OCdH O Cd 5) W ai M M H !=• a; o 
C.2 a- 



: (t -a . ? : 






3 •— 






"""m 



*>. ip. M M O bS M OS W 00 » bS jS 

1-itOOOOOOOOOOIOOOCTtnMl-JlOtOO 

mOf3OOOOOOOOO»OO05OOOO 



Value with- 
out tariff, at 

port of 
New York. 



bObs 05ba>f»MWi-iH-' 

>** »^ cs w >f»- Ci -T 00 cs 00 to i-i -^ Cn m M w 

OOtO<OOCOlOOOOO-^OOObSCn05^tO-TUI 



I-" l-< WI-' 



' rf^ bO O Ul to O 00 m CI OD b3 to M 

rn-'oowoo-.rooootcwtooo-T 



Whole ami. 

of tariff in 

Gold. 



Amount of 

premium 

on the gold 

paid as taritf. 



M 1-" *.. CJ -^ to 



«D to M OS bO *- 1-1 I 

C5OCDb0C3CSCCC5C 



bOtoa>o-^tojoOhJC;i-.Tooi 



^ Amount of 
tariff in 
paper 
currency. 



■» 



bs to 

-TtO 



-TM-.TtOH*tnc;ifcOtotnfcOi*k. 

l*.*..-TtOO5C5«>-TO5O300l-" 
OOCO-TtOCOOl-'Ol-.tl-'Ot.S 



Otoe 

tnCJl II 



Whole cost 

to our 
Merchant. 



The duty on ready made, woolen or part wool, 
clothing, is : first, twenty-four cents per pound : 
second, forty per cent, ad valorem, and if im- 
ported in a foreign vessel, ten per cent, added. 

We will now try to show what it would take 
to furnish an ordinary, respectable, every day 
suit for a laboring man. The three first col- 
ums of the table shows what such suit would 
cost in Indiana, if no tariff law was in force. 
The other five columns the cost in 
Indiana, under the tariff, and the addition- 
al cost it necessarily makes. Our mer- 
chants usually charge as much as one-third of 
their outlay, for profits, and to cover expenses, 
and this calculation is made upon that basis : 



2 = E:^22So 



OOCTOOIOOO 

ooooooool 



• M CO M Value in New York. 



ce u o coo o c 



wMMMM*^oM icost, no tariff, to us. 

uwouooosu 

&9C0OCCOO03C0i ft 





€S 

oocno-icncn-T 


Whole amount, tariff in gold 




** Premium on gold 

l^aks^3bSW-:^obs 

bSbSCO-^QOOOWCn 




M M ts 05 Additional cost to Merchant 

-T*TOCCb3Cn-^00 

bSboco-Tcnwoots 




tOtOC0(0l»-0t>K>t>9 

*-*-cnoiEiCocn-T 




. 



tokowww^obo k^Tiole cost, tariff added. 

oocncn-<05ow! 



Cost here, without tariflF, $23 98. 

Cost, with tariff, etc., added, $43 86. 

So, it is plain to see that the cost to the la- 
boring man, for a suit of clothes, is nearly 
double, in consequeuee of these laws. 

So, in like manner, we will examine the coal) 
of a very plain suit, or dress goods for a suit 
for a woman, the wife or daughter of the farmer 
or mechanic : 



9a 



ffi o o S.2 »» g. 



»- O c/3 0. 1, 



ki- - g 

O.05 l-Jg. 



to bi to CO bi Yaiue in New York . . . . 

»-tb9ACOCOOOO ^-'Ol 

cnMOocooooool 

«»| 
•^ Profit to our Merchant. 

bSI-JMOSOSOOOSl 

cn-Tooi-'moaoacoCT il 

ts bs bs ^ ►« Cost, no tariff, to us. .. 

kS bS OC *. *. OS 00 O 1-1 05 

osoooib-csasacoasl 





M M 1-1 ts Hj Whole amount tariff 


i-ii(>.»oi-io5-Toe5*. 
ooowh-iojcntacnoo 




•^ Premium on gold 

t-t -7Co-^>soi 

• t»5*..50«o-TCniocncoco 




«» 
ts .- to CO M Added cost to Merchant 




*-■ Profit to Merchant. 

to W 00 CO CO to Oi 1 

i^-cnoooooif-o-j-^l 



H. 1^ *- !^ « "> w hole cost, tariff added . 

CO t;^ 05 00 -7 00 o 00 to >-i 
cn-^r-ocno5it*occcol 



Wholecost, without tariff, ,$16 89. 

Cost, with tariff, etc., added, $34 04. 

Here again, it is seen that the women who 
works, perhaps from home, for a living, is a 
slave to the lords of the loom ; for her plaic 
suit costs her more than twice as much under 
these laws, as it would do if euch laws were 
not in force. 

Let us look at the question etill further. IroD 
can be manufactured abroad at a less cost than 
in this country. Therefore, to protect that in 
terest, the whole sum to be paid in our currency 
by an importer, to be permitted to bring in one 
hundred pounds, would be one dollar and sixty- 
two cents. Now, if, in the absence of tariff 
laws, the importer can lay down one hundred 
pounds in the city of New York for two dolL^rs 
and a half, and a Pennsylvanian for three dol- 
lars — each including a reasonable profit, it is 
clear the importer can under sell. But this law 
steps in and requires him to pay at the port of 
entry one dollar and sixty-two cents; and, there- 
fore, instead of being able to sell at two dollars 
and a half, he musthavefour dollars and twelve 
cents If our own manufacturer would still let 
us have his one hundred pounds for three dol- 
lars, it would not be so bad, but this he will not 
do. For, the law having rendered it impossible 
for the importer to come into our market at less 
than four dollars and twelve cents, our man im- 
mediately runs up the price of his article to 
four dollars, for people must have iron, and 
shutting it out makes it scarce. The additional 
one dollar is extra profit given him by this law, 
and, by its advocates is called fostering home 
industry. But we say this fostering is at the ex- 
pense of the consumer of the article — and you 
are the consumer. We will examine this branch 
of the question a moment Our merchant goes 
to New Tork to buy iron. In the absence of a 
tariff he could buy of the importer at two and a 
half, but, adding the tariff, etc., he must pay 
him four dollars and twelve cents, if he buys. 
Therefore he buys of our manufacturer at four 
dollars; this of course includes the one dollar 
extra profit. Including carriage and profit to 
our merchant, the account, as you would recieve 
it, would stand thus: 

Cost of 100 pounds at New York, $4 00 

Carriage and expense, 50 

Profit to our merchant, 1 66 

'Whole cost to you of the 100 pounds, 6 16 

You see this includes this/os/erin^one dollar, 
or, if our merchant should buy of the importer 
at four dollars and twelve cents, it would make 
\0U pay six dollars and twenty-eight cents, 
which would indicate the tariff. A wagon pat- 
tern of four hundred pounds would, under the 
law, cost you eight dollars and sixty-six cents 
more than it would but for the law. The ac- 
count would stand thus: 

400 pounds at New York from the im 

porter, at $2 50, is $10 00 

Carriage and expenses, 2 00 

Profit to our merchant, 4 00 

Whole cost to you, without tariff, $i6 00 



Tariff, in gold, 35 per cent, on $10 00, $3 50 
Tariff, in gold, 10 per cent, for import- 
ing iu foreign vessel, 1 00 

Total, 4 50 

Difference between gold and paper, on 

$4 50, 2 00 

Total, 6 50 

Per cent, profit to our merchant on this 

$6 50 outlay is, 2 16 

Whole cost to you, under this law, is $24 66 

Thus, you see, the consuaer foots the bill at 
last, with all its attendant increase of expenses 
On fine steel, and all steel manufactures, the 
tariff is still higher; being about fifty-five cents 
in gold, or eighty, in our currency, on every one 
dollar's worth, when all the charges that can be 
made, under the law, are added. 

The simple article, a pocket knife, might be 
sold to you by your merchant as follows: 

Cost to you without tariff, $ 50 

Tariff, paid in our currency, at 
New York, 40 

Our merchant's profit on outlay of 

40 cents, 13— 53 

Cost to you under the tariff is, $1 03 

So of all other similar articles. 

We will turn our attention a moment to other 
articles. The duty, or tariff, on casenetts, for 
instance, wholly or in part wool, is, 1, twenty- 
four cents per pound; 2, forty per cent, ad valo- 
rem; 3, ten per cent, added if imported in a 
foreign vessel. Three yards — enough to make 
a pair of pants, will weigh say two pounds. If 
you desired to buy, the account would stand 
thus: 

Three yards, no tariff laws, at 50 cents 

per yard, is $1 50 

Profit to our merchant, 50 

Whole CO™ to you, without tariff, 2 00 

Now add 24 cents in gold, per 

pound, for two pounds 48 

Forty per cent, in gold, on .$ 1 50, 60 
Ten per cent, in gold, on $1 50, 15 

Amount of tariff, in gold, is $1 23 
Difference between gold and paper 
on $1 23, is 54 

Amount of tariff, paper currency, 1 77 — 1 77 
Our merchant's per cent, profit on the 

$1 77, is 60 

Whole cost to you, under the tariff, $4 37 

Thus the expense is more than doubled to you 
because of this law. If the Massachusetts or 
Rhode Island mauufactu.'er can put the yard of 
stuff in New York at sixty cents, the importer, 
in the absence of a tariff, can undersell him ten 
cents, but when he pays the tariff in gold — forty- 
one cents — equal to fifty-nine cents in currency, 
he can not sell for less than one dollar and nine 
cents, consequently the home manufacturer, al- 
though he could sell at sixty and make a reason- 
able profit, will now »3k and obtain say one dol 



lar and five cents per yard. This will put one 
dollar and thirty-five cents out of your hands 
into his pocket, because of this law, on coarse 
stuff for a pair of pants. And soil is with all 
classes of xvoolen goods . Nor is it any better 
with cotton goods. On coarse domestics the 
tariff is 25 cents per yard. Calico, five and a half 
cents per yard, and twenty per cent, ad valorum. 
We have not time nor space to itemize this mat- 
ter further. Suffice it to say, the immense clear 
profits, in the way of dividends, that owners of 
factories are receiving, is conclusive evidence of 
the injustice of the law. The New York Inde- 
pendent lately stated as afact, and it is a Repub- 
lican paper, that the Androscoggin mills pay 
forty per cent, profit— the Nashua thirty-Jive, 
etc , etc. If one of you should buy a farm, or 
mill, or shop, for ten thousand dollars, and, 
without any labor upon your part, should each 
year get four thousand dollars profit, clear of 
all taxes and expenses, you would begetting the 
same rate of profits these manufacturers get. 
The only difference is, that because of fat con- 
tracts, during the last five years, these men can 
now vest and make hundreds of dollars to your 
one dollar. And yet, in the face of these facts, 
one of the wealthiest manufacturers of the east, 
the Senator from Rhode Island, but the other 
day took steps, in the Senate, looking to an in- 
crease of duties, and insinuated that those who 
might oppose were in sympathy with British 
manufactures, if not bought by them. But we 
say these laws are not necessary to protect our 
manufactures. Let us see. In Boston a pound 
of raw cotton will cost fifty cents. Gut of that 
can be made three yards of heavy domestic, or 
five yards of calico; either, selling at present 
prices, at one dollar for the product of the one 
pound; that is fifty cents for the work put on it. 
Whereas, the perfection of machinery is such 
that the cost of manufacturing is now no more 
than two and a half cents per yard; therefore, 
full forty cents, on an average, on the pound of 
cotton, is clear profit. That it costs no more to 
make the yard is manifest, not only by the vast 
profits made, but also by the fact that, five years 
ago, we could buy these goods at from eight to 
ten cents per yard. The cotton was then about 
fourteen cents per pound; cost of manufacturing 
the same about six cents per pound — because 
labor was then a less price. Selling price of the 
product of the pound, thirty to thirty five cents; 
profits, from two to three and a half cents per 
yard. And under that, manufacturers were get- 
ting rich; for, where one establishment would 
turn out one million yards a year, the profits at 
three and a half cents would be thirty-five 
thousand dollars. Whereas, the profits being 
now thirteen cents per yard, would yield the 
same manufacturer, on the same amount of 
work for the year, one hundred and thirty thous- 
and dollars profits, and we, the consumers, 
pay it. 

So it is with every thing we eat, or drink, or 
wear, or use — every thing, except the air we 
breathe, is taxed eith^ directly or indirectly, 
under these and other Republican laws. 

But why the necessity of such a high tariff? 
We say there is no such necessity. Its advo- 
cates favor it, apparently, for two among other 



reasons: First, it is so enormous as to exclude 
the great bulk of foreign manufacturers, and 
thus leave the whole people dependent upon 
those of the United States. In other words, it 
leaves an open undisputed field for Msesa- 
chusetts, Rhode Island and other sharpers to 
operate in. It prevents competition; but leaves 
us no other chance than to purchase from these 
skinflints at their own prices. Secondly, these 
manufacturers have been bo favored and nur- 
tured, by these laws, that they have become en- 
ormously wealthy, and have vested vast sums 
in United States bonds, the interest on which is 
payable in gold; and, as these duties, or tariffs, 
are collectable in gold, they are anxious it shall 
continue that they may receive their interest 
twice a year, in hard money. 

There are two leading evils attending this in 
direct mode of collecting revenue: First, the 
consumer pays the whole tariff, or tax. Second, 
he pays increased prices on home manufactures 
But why should our manufacturers and shippers 
want a tariff simply to shut out competition in 
markets. In Europe labor is so much cheaper 
and capital so much better managed, that many 
of the articles we use could be furnished by 
them cheaper than our manufacturers furnish 
them. The law, then, is to shut out these cheap 
goods and cheap carriage, and compel us to buy 
at higher rates of our own people. Or, if the 
owners of the cheap goods will come in, the law 
compels them to pay so much for that privilege 
that it puts up the cost of their goods, so that 
our manufacturers can undersell them, and still 
make us pay them very high prices. Is it to 
our interest to do this thing. You will answer 
at once no, no. Then, why continue men in 
power who are the mere tooli of this manufac- 
turing interest, and have saddled this state of 
things upon us, and refuse to remove the bur- 
den. Every Republican member from Indiana 
votes to keep this burden upon you. They be- 
long to New England. We warn you that you 
will have a struggle to throw off this heavy bur- 
den. Many hands will be extended to hold the 
yoke upon you. The profits, to manufacturers, 
are so great that they can afford to, and doubt- 
less will, bid high to many of the owners of 
these extended hands, for their zealous assist- 
ance in becoming the mistress instead of the 
" hand maid of agriculture." 

But we go further and say, not only that this 
high tariff is not necessary, but that it is uncon- 
stitutional; in this, that it makes a mere agent 
of the Government machinery, to rob one part 
of the people to enrich another part; whereas. 
Governments among men are instituted, es- 
pecially our form of Government, to shield, pro- 
tect and care for all good citizens equally. When 
a law fails to have that object in view, it is sub- 
versive of the end for which the Government 
•was organized. 

This appears to have been the view taken of 
'the question by President Jackson in his veto 
■message, where he uses the following language: 

" Most of the dangers which now impend 
over our Union have sprung from an abandon- 
ment of the legitimate objects of Government by 
our national legislation, and the adoption of 
BuOh principles as are embodied in this act. 



Many of onr rich men have not been consent 
with equal protection and equal benefits, but 
have besought us to make them richer by act of 
Congress. By attempting to gratify their de- 
sires, we have, in the results of our legislation, 
arrayed section against section, interest against 
interest, and man against man in a fearful com- 
motion, which threatens to shake the founda- 
tions of the Union." 

But it." may be said that General Jackson held 
different views in 1824, in his letter to Dr. Cole- 
man. We shall not stop to inquire whether he 
did or not. That which we have quoted is his 
solemn official opinion long afterward upon the 
question; and was held by Daniel Webster to 
mean that, in his, Jackson's, opinion: 

"Our protection laws are founded in an aban- 
donment of the legitimate objects of Govern- 
ment. » * * The tariff, as a system 
designed for protection, is not only impolitic, 
but uneoustitutional also." — Webster's works, 
vol 1. 

We will next consider, in this connection, the 
subject of our 

PUBLIC DEBT. 

The Secretary of the Treasury estimates the 
public debt at about three thousand millions of 
dollars. The late chairman of the Committee 
of Ways and Means and acknowledged leader of 
Republicans in the House, Mr. Thaddeus Ste- 
vens, in a speech at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 
during last summer, spoke of this sum as being 
not much over half the actual amount of such 
debt. Let us assume, then — which is much be- 
low the estimate of Mr. Stevens, that the debt 
is four thousand millions, and from that stand 
point make some inquiries. 

Before the war the whole taxablesof the Uni- 
ted States, real and personal, were twelve thou- 
sand millions of dollars. Large amounts of this, 
say not less than four thousand million dollars' 
worth, was sunk during the war by destruction 
and depreciation in value of propeRy, including 
slaves, in the South; and not less than two thou- 
sand million dollars' worth were, by the North, 
wasted in the war. This would be one-half the 
whole material wealth of the country. To sup 
ply the place of the waste by the North, the 
ijovernment of the United States — of States, 
counties, cities and towns, issued vast amounts 
of evidences of debt, in various forms— such as 
treasury notes, bonds, certificates of indebted- 
ness, orders, etc. These generally bear interest 
at about six percent per annum, and are con- 
sidered and rated as property, but are at present 
irredeemable, because the authorities that issued 
them have no means to pay. The means must 
be raised by taxation of the people and the prop- 
erty of the country. The first question then is: 
who among the people, and what part, if not all, 
of the property in the country, shall be taxed. 
We say "equality of taxation." The Jerfer- 
sonian creed says — " equal and exact justice to 
all men." Our Republican rulers say, not so, 
"let us have a favored class," and let that class 
be the rich; those able to own vast amounts of 
evidences of this great debt. Let us not tax 
them as we tax others. Now this is a living 
question— one that interests every tax payer. 



9 



Because of the enormous increase of p\per 
money — from two hundred to eight hundred 
millions of dollars; and the immense amount of 
paper evidence of debt now afloat, fictitious val- 
ues are placed upon all taxable property, 
so that, notwithstanding the great amount sunk 
in the war, the property of the country may be 
estimated (at these fancy values) at, say twelve 
thousand millions of dollars. Then, it is mani- 
fest, that these evidences of public debt, are the 
one-third of the whole,amount of property in the 
country; and, by laws of Republican rulers, they 
bear no part ot certain taxes. For instance, 
this amount of property now, under these laws, 
pays no part of the State, school, county, city, 
towuship or road tax. Thus it works in Indiana: 
Mr. Smith owns ten thousand dollars' worth of 
real estate, or has a like amount vested in me- 
chanical business, or in merchandising. He has 
to pay all the assessments for the purposes 
above named. After paying these taxes, and 
working hard the whole year, he may possibly 
make six per cent, on his capital, and if so he is 
thankful that he has the six hundred dollars 
left. Mr. Black, his next door neighbor, owns 
no real estate and is in do kind of business, but 
he owns ten thousand dollars of seven-thirty 
bonds which cost him really only five thousand 
dollars — this yields seven hundred and thirty 
dollars, without any labor. He enjoys the pro- 
tection of the State and county government; 
votes at elections; sends to free schools and 
travels public roads kept up by his neighbors, 
but pays nothing for these privileges — pays 
nothing to support the insane, the blind, the deaf 
and dumb and the paupers of the country. 
Smith has to pay more for all these objects in 
consequence of Black paying nothing. Let us 
look still a little further. Black wants to make 
more yet, therefore, he, and fifty others in the 
same situation put their bonds together and, un- 
der another law of Congress, June 6, 1864, p. 
106, organize a national oank based on said five 
hundred thousand dollars of bonds, and receive 
four hundred and fifty thousand dollars of "black 
backs," which are also, by sections one and 
thirtedta of an act of June 30, 1864, p. 229, ex- 
empt from taxation by State and municipal au- 
thority, and which they can put in circulation, 
by loaning and buying bills of exchange, at the 
rate of about ten per cent, which would make 
about sixteen per cent, upon the bonds so held, 
being thirty-two per cent, on the original outlay, 
that is sixteen hundred dollars a year to Mr. 
Black on the five thousand he had before this 
paper was issued. This is the way the Govern- 
ment now takes care of the rich and lets the 
poor and laborious take care of themselves. 

There are sixteen hundred of these banks, 
with, perhaps, an average of thirty stockholders 
in each, which would give an aggregate of forty- 
eight thousand drones, in society, taken care of 
by the Government. But, says some one, Mr. 
Black patriotically assisted the Government by 
taking these bonds during the war. Not so; he 
was opposed to the war, perhaps, and only bought 
the bonds at about fifty cents to the dollar for 
gold, after the war. when he saw he could make 
them profitable and under these laws live a life 
of idleness at the expense of his neighbors. But 



let us pursue this investigation a little further. 
If the debt of the United States is four thou- 
sand millions, this is one hundred and thirty- 
three dollars for each man woman and child — 
there being about thirty millions in the United 
States. As there are about thirteen hundred 
thousand persons in Indiana our share would be 
one hundred and seventy-three millions of dol- 
lars; add to this the amount of our State debt, 
seven millions four hundred and fifty-five thou- 
sand five hundred and seventy-seven dollars, as 
per Auditor's report 1865, and the amount of 
county, city and township debts, which are not 
exactly known, but are believed to be at this 
time not far from twenty-five millions of dollars. 
We thus have a total public debt in Indiana for 
which we are responsible, of about two hundred 
and five millions of dollars, being about one 
hundred and fifty eight dollars for each man wo- 
man and child in the State. As there is not 
more than one person in six that is a real pro- 
ducer of wealth, the others being very old or 
very young, or drones in the human hive, who 
eat though they neither weave nor spin; this one 
will have to pay the interest on the debt, and 
ultimately the debt, for the whole six, namely: 
nine hundred and forty-eight dollars. If one- 
third of the wealth of the country, in bonds, 
etc., is exempt from taxes, then the burden will 
fall still heavier upon these producers. Under 
such circumstances can they pay it? This is the 
question, and it is one, not of to-day, cor la- 
morrow, but in which we, and our children after 
us will feel the deepest interest. 

Look at it soberly. The whole property tax- 
able in. Indiana in 1865 was $565,909,489 
The debt as above shown is 205,000,000 
Which is about equal to three-eighths, almost 
one-half of the whole property. It is stated 
that there is now more than one hundred mil- 
lions of the wealth of this State already run 
into these United States securities, and money- 
ed men are rapidly so vesting their means to 
avoid taxes, which, under abolition rule, have 
become so extremely burdensome. But what 
can be done? You should quietly rise up and 
say, through the ballot box, to the holders of 
this vast wealth, submit to an equality of the 
burdens of Government. But say the holders 
of these bonds, etc., what can you do? You 
are oowerless. By the laws of Congress and 
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United 
States we are guarded from taxation. There 
are several sufficient answers to this. Legisla- 
tors, who, by laws, induce the wealth of a 
nation to seek investment in securities of the 
Government; and, by laws, undertake to compel 
the labor of the country, not only to support the 
Government, but, also, to support the owners 
of this wealth, know but little of the people, if 
they believe such laws can be long enforced, in 
a country where people elect their servants. Men 
who own these bonds, etc., this vast wealth, had 
better secure it by agreeing to what is conscien- 
tiouslyjMsi and right, rather than endanger and 
court its final loss by etiekling for legal technical 
ity. But can we pay it? There are in Great Bri- 
tain proper twenty-eight millions of people; In 
her provinces, under her dominions, about one 
hundred and sixty-seven millions more. (Cyd. 



10 



of Com. 843 ) The national debt of that power ] 
is $4,018,669,690, which bears an interest of 
three per cent, only; and yet there are one mil- 
lion of paupers in Great Britain, many of them 
able bodied who can not support themselves and 
pay the enormous taxes which eat up their sub- 
stance, and therefore they goto the workhouses: 
Let US compare a moment. 

Inhabitants of Great Britain, etc. ,195,000,000. 

Public debt, $4,018,669,690 

Amount per head, at three per 

cent., $21 

Inhabitants of Indiana, 1,300,000, 

Public debt, $205,000,000 

Amount per head, at six per 

cent., $158 

Which is equal at three per cent, to $316 
for each. 

Again, the 
Annual interest on the above pub- 
lic debt in Indiana, $12,300,600 
Which is per head, $9,46 
Annual interest on public debt of 

Great Britain, $120,470,990 

Which is per head, 62c. 

This does not include local taxation in Great 
Britain. 

Thus it is seen that there is much less for 
each person to pay, each year, in Great Britain, 
than in this State, and yet we have been in the 
habit of regarding the grinding taxatisn of that 
country as intolerable. During the progress of 
the war the Government extended its hand, 
through willing Governors of States, Provost 
Marshals and the draft box, and seized such 
men as they desired, if too poor to buy 'a sub- 
stitute, or otherwise pay out, whether willing or 
not, tbey were placed in the ranks and com- 
pelled to serve. Thus men were prbcnred. As 
for money, those holding large amounts com- 
pelled the Government to give them as high as 
two and a half dollars of Government paper for 
one of gold, and to provide by law that this 
paper should not be subject to certain taxes. And 
yet they talk of patriotism — love of country, 
when love of money alone operated. Notwith- 
standing all this our abolition rulers tell us that 
one-third of the wealth of the country, which 
has thus passed into the hands of mere Shyloeks, 
shall not bear its equal portion of this taxation. 
Here again we have the old struggle between 
capital and labor. Capital is seeking to shove 
upon the shoulders of labor an undue proportion 
of the burdens of Government. 

Shall it supceed, is the question? 

We now call your attention to the adminis- 
tration of our 

STATE GOVERNMENT. 

And, WO would say here, as a mere matter of 
history, that previous-to 1843 the State Govern- 
ment had for many years been in the hands of 
the opponents of the Democratic party, who 
bad piled up an enormous debt that when we 
surrendered power we had not yet fully paid. 
They h.ad, apparently, proceeded, then, as for 
the last four years, in this State and nation, 
upon the assumption that a "public debt is a 
public blessing." At the end of 1843 they sur- 



rendered power and handed over the State Gov- 
ernment to James Whitcomb, burdened with a 
debt, foreign and domestic, of over sixteen mil- 
lions of dollars. — {See Auditor's Report, 1844.) 

The Democrats held power during the 
terms of Governors Whitcomb, Wright and 
Willard, at the close of the year 
1860, and during that time, by the practice of 
strict economy and integrity, paid current ex- 
penses and liquidated about eight millions of 
the public debt which had been handed down to 
them, and at the same time, by a judicious 
system of policy, developed the resources and 
wealth of the State through the construction of 
canals and railroads, and erected benevolent in- 
stitutions for the insane, deaf and dumb, and 
blind of the State. And so raised the prosperity 
and credit of the State as to increase the polls 
from 118,334 in 1844, to 203,098 in 1860; and 
the taxables from one hundred and sixteen mil- 
lions in 1844 to 455,011.378 in 1860. 
During all this time the chief officers 
of every branch of the Government set an ex- 
ample to the people of frugality and economy, 
as may be seen by looking at the laws making 
general appropriations, and the reports of the 
Auditors of State, as compared with sums 
charged to the people by persons filling; the same 
offices for the years 1861, '62, '63, 'f4, '65 and 
'66. But here it seems necessary to explain 
that the executive branch of the Government 
was conducted under such peculiar circum- 
stances in the years 1863 and '64 as to render it 
exceedingly uncertain whether any data, at pre- 
sent within our reach, caa be fully relied upon, 
as precisely correct. The laws and Constitution 
are as explict as human language can make 
them on these points. 

First. " That no money shall be drawn from 
from the treasury but in pursuance of appro- 
priations made by law." — Constitution, article 
10, section 3. 

Second. " All moneys borrowed on the credit 
of the State, or accruing to the State, shall be 
paid into the State treasury on the draft of the 
auditor in favor of such treasurer, and paid out 
on the warrant of the auditor on the treftsurer, 
specifying the fund out of which it is payable, 
but such warrant shall not be drawn unless 
there is money to the credit of that fund." — 
^cis 1859,;). 227-30, 

At the session of the Legislature for the year 
1863, the Republican members seceded without 
passing the appropriation bills; and for that rea- 
son there were no moneys Governor Morton 
could legally reach ; he therefore, proceeded 
to obtain money, without a shadow of law au- 
thorizing such action, from individuals, from 
corporations, and from the General Govern- 
ment, to use during the yeirs 1863-4. 

This he spent at will. It was not placed in 
the treasury, and consequently the checks and 
balances, required by law, do not appear in the 
Auditor's and Treasurer's offices. The means 
which were intended to hold public officers to 
account is thus lost. Whether the sums thus 
handled by Governor Morton were properly or 
improperly spent — if spent at all, can not be 
ascertained by the public records, as it ought to 
be. The sums thus obtained, and for which, 



11 



by subsequent action of the Legislature, the 
people have to account, is about one million 
and a quarter of dollars, as near as can be found 
out, at present. 

In the expenditure of that part of this large 
sum, of which any showing is attempted, the 
action of those interested has been so covered 
up, and the vouchers so loosly worded, that it is 
hard to tell for what purpose much of it was 
sfient. But, taking the statutes and reports 
above referred to as our guide, we have follow- 
ed the track as near as the eare taken to hide it 
will permit 

That the expenditure under Democratic and 
Abolition administrations may appear at a 
glance, we will compare the six years of Gov- 
ernor Whitcomb's control of affairs and six 
years of Morton's control, namely : the years 
1844,1845 1846, 1847, 1848 and 1849 in the 
first class, and 1861, 1862, 1863, 1864, 1865 
and 1866 in the second. 

We will take the first and see the amount ap- 
propriated and drawn personally by Governor 
Whitcomb, and for what purposes, to-wit: 
For Governor's salary for six years at 

$1,51)0 is $9,000 

For Governor's contingent fund for six 

years, 5,000 

For Governor's house, 1,250 



Whole amount, in six years, to Whit- 
comb, $15,250 
Now look at the other side of the picture, for 

the years 1861, 1862, 1863, 1864, 1865 and 1866 

as follows: 

For the salary of Governor 0. P. Mor- 
ton, tor the six years, at $3,000 is $18,000 

For salary of Governor's private secre- 
tary, 3,000 

For ofiice of Governor for the six years, 49,500 

For house of Governor, 9,176 

For contingent fund, civil, for Govern- 
or, 27,000 

For contingent fund, military, for Gov- 
ernor, 155,615 



$262,391 

Thus the whole amount of the salary, etc., 
of Governor 0. P. Morton, for the last six years 
named is, over and above that of the former six 
years, the enormous sum of $247,140. 

And even excluding the military contingent 
fund it would be in excess of the amount paid 
Whitcomb. $91,526. 

And it will be remembered that Governor 
Whitcomb, during his term of service, organ- 
ized and put into the field five regiments of 
troops for the Mexican war, and did it without 
the aid of any provost marshals, for Mr. Polk 
was then President, and it was not thought nec- 
essary to put a military satrap in every con- 
gressional district, under Democratic rule; al- 
though the opponents of the Democracy were 
opposing that war. So the General Assembly, 
during the time of Whitcomb, met annually, 
and yet the expenses of that body for the six 
years first above given was $165,000. 

During the last named six years that body 
regularly meets only once in two years, and yet 
the expenses are $390,047. Being in excess of 



the former six years, $225,047. That is more 
than twice as much. 

So the Adjutant Geiieral received for his sor- 
vices, during the six years of Whitcomb, $1,- 
600; and during the six years last given, $47,- 
200; which is in excess of the former six years 
$45,600, or about thirty times as much. 
The public printing cost the people for 

the six years first named, the sum ot $38,500 
For the six years last named, the sum of 151,520 

It is not to be wondered at, that this kind of 
wholesale distribution of the peoples' money 
should corrupt, and make desperately wicked, 
the controllers of any printing establishment 
that should be thus permitted to thrust their 
hands, even to the elbows, in the public crib. 

The public debt of the State has not, since 
the Republicans came into power in 1861, been 
at all reduced, although we have heard much 
about the prosperity of the country. 
The ordinartj expenses of the State 

government for the year 1846 were $69,136 
And for the year 1847 they were 90,762 



Whole amount of ordinary expenses 

for two years $159,898 

This increase of $21,626 in one year it was 
thought necessary to explain, and therefore the 
Auditor proceeds to show the items, and, among 
them is $3,544 " to defray the expenses growing 
out of the organization of the Indiana volunteers 
for the Mexican war." So this was the war ex- 
pense. In the year 1847 the assessed polls in 
the State were i29,847,and wealth $124,558,060. 
The taxes. State, countv, school, road, town- 
ship, etc.. were $973,345 97. The tax levied 
for all State purposes for the year 1846, was 
twenty six cents and seven mills on the $100. 
For 1847, ttcenty-seven and a half cents on the 
$100; and each year a poll tax of seventy-five 
cents. 

The ordinary expenses of the State 
government for the year 1864, in- 
cluding the same items as in 1846-7 
were $147,782 

And for 1865 the same expenses was 539,914 



The whole orcZinary expenses for two 

years $687,696 

The great difference growing out of the fact 
that the Legislature did not meet in 1864. 

Thus the ordinary — excluding the military — 
expense have increased about five fold. 

As a matter of course, to meet this large in- 
crease in expenditures, and to pay interest, the 
taxes are now much heavier than when more 
economy was practiced. The whole State levy 
is for the years 1865-66, (see Acts 1865 pp. 3, 
73 and 93,) eighty one cents on the hundred dol- 
lars, and two dollars and twenty-five cents poll 
tax. 

That is. a man worth $1,000 has now 
to pay tax to the State, besides 
county, etc. taxes, $10 35 

Whereas, under Whitcomb he paid 
only 3 25 

In a word, the State taxes are three times as 
heavy. 

The polls returned for 1865 were 195,953. 
The assessed value of property the same year 



12 



was $565,909,489. The taxea. State, county, 
school, road, township, etc., were $13,747,465 

Notwithstanding this increase in wealth, pop- 
ulation and taxation, we are, under the present 
rulers, gettingdeeper and deeper in debt. Those 
who bold the reins seeoi to lack the skill to 
e;uide. 

The whole taxes in 1847, State, county, etc., 
were, as above shown, nine hundred and seventy 
three thousand three hundred and forty Jive dol- 
lars; being about $9 58 to each assessed doU in 
the State, the polls being 129,847. 

For the year 1865 the whole State, county, 
etc. taxes were thirteen millions seven hundred 
and forty-seven thousand four hundred and six- 
ty five dollars, being about $70 15 for each as- 
sessed poll, the polls being 195,953. 

This shows that the increase in taxation far 
outstrips the increase in population. The pros- 
pect now is that for the year 1866 the taxes will 
be still further increased. Every tax payer be- 
gins to ask, where do all the taxes go to? Per- 
haps the illegal financial bureau in Governor 
Morton's office will sometime disclose. 

REPEAL OF THE BLACK LAWS. 

We will notice another question, with the 
policy of which we can not agree. Governor 
Morton, in his messages, has repeatedly urged 
the repeal of the black laws, etc.; that is, to 
change the principles which have been engrafted 
in our Constitution, and standing upon our 
statute books for many years. The laws were 
founded in the idea that there is a difference 
between black and white ; and have stood in the 
way of a legal and social equality of the races, 
of these two colors. 

Previous to 1851 the influx of free negroes 
into the State was felt as a great burden, and 
therefore the thirteenth article of the new Con- 
stitution forbids their coming into the State. 
This was submitted, as a separate proposition, 
to the vote of the people, and received a major- 
ity of ninety-four thousand. A proposition was 
submitted, to the last session of the legislature 
of the State, to strike out this article, and passed 
the House, but was defeated in the Senate — re- 
ceiving the Republican votes. We are opposed 
to permitting negroes and mulattoes free admis 
sion into the State, because if they come they 
must be received as equals, or as inferiors. As 
equals we can not receive them — every impulse 
of our nature is against that, and the interest of 
every laborer is against it. If received and 
treated as inferiors, then all the evils, without 
any of the benefits of the institution of slavery, is 
upon us. The influence, for evil, of a conflict 
between white and black laborers, and a con- 
tinued contact of our children with this class — 
thus degraded, can not be over estimated. We 
would avoid it as a leprosy. This is but one of 
the measures urged by members of that party 
at the late session of the legislature. Another 
was to divide the school funds of the State with 
the blacks — not to give them the use of all col- 
lected oflF them by taxation, but to divide the 
whole. Another was to permit them to testify 
against whites. The next will be to let them 
vote and hold office alongside of you. Oh, no ! 
says a conservative, we won't go that. Why not; 



you support men that so hold and act. But \ 
the other day five out of your eight Republican 
representatives in Congress favored negroes vot- 
ing in the District of Columbia. The people of 
the District held an election, and about twenty- 
five to one declared against the negroes daving 
the right to vote in the District. The people of 
the District have no representation in Congress, 
yet Congress legislates exclusively for them. It 
might be supposed some attention would be paid 
to their wishes. Not so; your abolition members 
act against their expressed wishes — but in favor 
of the wishes of the negroes. So it will be here 
if power is long continued in the hands of these 
men. Let us adhere to our Constituion, and try 
to partially check this malady, this negrophobia 
on the brain that has seized so many of our 
citizens. We apprehend, as a consequence of 
abolition policy, a conflict between the two races 
at a not distant day. When that day comes, 
let us notbe in a condition to fear to retire at 
night because we may be aroused by a confla- 
gration of our buildings, or the cries of helpless 
women and children, set upon by these half sav- 
ages. Whatever others may do, let us keep 
clear of the disturbing element. Let us rather 
more strictly enforce that article of the Consti- 
tion. The remaining question to be examined 
is that of 

TEMPERANCE. 

For several years previous to 1855 the Legis- 
lature had been repeatedly importuned to pass a 
stringent liquor law — the Democratic party 
generally taking ground against such legisla- 
tion, but their opponents having succeeded in 
the elections in 1854, on February 16, 1855, an 
act was passed prohibiting the sale or use of 
spirituous liquors, and ale, porter, malt heer, 
lager beer, cider and wine, under a heavy 
penalty, (acts 1855, p. 209, sec. 1 , 5 and 12.) ex- 
cept for medicinal, chemical, mechanical and 
sacramental uses. The county boards were au- 
thorized to appoint agents.who alone could keep 
and sell for these purposes. Funds could be 
furnished from the county treasury to these 
agents to make their purchases. This law was 
held invalid by the Supreme Court — a majority 
being Democrats. A great howl was set up over 
this adjudication by the opponents of the Demo- 
cracy, who, in this State, then consisted of the 
" temperance party" and the" people's party" 
and the " free Democracy," the throe acting 
together and called the " fusion party." On 
July 13, 1855, the " people's party " held a 
State convention at Indianapolis and adopted a 
set of resolutions — thelst, 2J, 3d and 4th of 
which were aimed at slavery. The fifth declared 
in favor of the prohibitory law, just cited, and 
the sixth was a limitation as to foreign born 
citizens voting. The temperance men held their 
State convention on the 22d February, 1866, at 
Indianapolis, and, after reciting that the Su- 
preme Court had held the above named 
laws unconstitutional, they resolved that 
" it should be sustained at all hazards," 
and that they would " vote for no one 
for office who opposed it." The Abolition party 
proper, or "free Democracy," also met in con- 
vention at Indianapolis, and resolved to "meet 



13 



with the people's party, on the first of May 
next," to-wit: May, 1856. On May first, 1856, 
all these odds and ends met in convention at 
Indianapolis, and put a State ticket in the field, 
with Oliver P. Morton as a candidate for Gov- 
ernor, and ad3pted resolutions, one, two and 
three, against slavery; fourth, growling about 
foreigners voting too soon, and fifth, that the 
legislature had the power, and should exercise 
it, to prohibit the sale of liquors as a beverage. 
This was the formation of the Republican party 
in Indiana, and that year supported Morton and 
Fremont, but were beaten by the Democrats, 
who on January 8, 1856, nominated Willard for 
Governor, and, upon this question, adopted the 
following: 

" Resolved, That while we are in favor of 
sobriety and temperance, and of all proper 
means for the promotion of those virtues, we 
are unconditionally opposed to the prohibitory 
liquor law passed at the last session of the Gen- 
eral Assembly of this State, and to any enact 
tnent embodying the oppressive and arbitrary 
provisione of that law." 

This resolution points to the act we have 
cited of February, 1855. Upon that resolution 
the Democracy of this State have ever since 
stood, and to day we are willing to abide by it. 
This great " fusion party," afterwards termed 
the Republican, and later, the Union party, hav 
ing failed, in elections, in Indiana, in 1856, and 
again in 1858, had no further opportunity to re- 
enact and maintain a prohibitory law " at all 
hazzarda," as they had resolved. And, imme- 
diately following their possession of power in 
1860, the war commenced, which for four years 



i swallowed up all other queations. But now, 
having, as they claim, abolished slavery, it only 
remains for them to limit the right of suffrage 
as to foreign born citizens, and to put in force a 
prohibitory liquor law. That is, when they 
shall have done these two things, they will have 
accomplished the three purposes avowed in the 
platform adopted on the 1st of May, 1856, at 
the time of the organization of this party in 
Indiana. That they will do these things, if 
kept in power, we have no doubt. They live 
and breathe only iu excitement and fanaticism. 
Whenever they stop to reason they are already 
vanquished. We will again see the scenes of 
1855 re-enacted, when private dwellings were 
searched and every suspicious looking jug or 
btttle seized and confiscated ; when peaceable 
foreign born citizens were murdered at the 
polls, as in Louisville, for attcivpting to vote. 
In conclusion, we appeal to all good citizens, 
all conse.'vative men " of whatever State or per- 
suasion, religious or political," to carefully ex- 
amine and consider the matters we have this 
day presented And if you desire to put down 
corruption and extravagance in high places; if 
you desire to put an end to excitement and fanat- 
icism in the land; if you wish to curb hatred, ill 
will, immorality and bloodshed; if you wish to 
put out of power those who are reveling in ill- 
gotten gains and lusts of the flesh: if you look 
forward with a lively hope to the dawn of a 
brighter day, in which economy, order, sobriety 
and political integrity shall reign supreme, then 
act with us in the restoration of the old time 
Democratic party which atands by the Jefferson- 
ian creed, and whose mission is peace and good 
will to all men. 



Proceedings of Indiana Democratic State Convention, 

HELD IN INDIANAPOLIS, MARCH 15th, 1866. 



In pursuance of the call made by the State 
Central Committee, the Democracy and Con- 
servative men of Indiana assembled in 
delegate Convention at the Metropolitan 
Theater, Indianapolis, on Thursday, March 
15th, 1866, at 10 o'clock A. M. The Conven- 
tion was called to order by J. J. Bingham, 
Chairman of the Democratic State Central 
Committee. 

After the Convention was called to order, 
Mr. Haiinit, of Vigo, moved that Hon. Cyrus 
L. Dunham, of Floyd, take the chair as 
temporary President, which motion was 
unanimously adopted. On taking the chair 
and being introduced to the Convention by 
Mr. Bingham, Col. Dunham spoke as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I return 
to you my sincere thanks for the honof you 



have this day conferred upon me, in calling 
me to temporarily preside over your delibe- 
rations. I assure you that, under the present 
auspicious circumstances, I do esteem this 
partiality to myself a great honor. I con- 
gratulate you, gentlemen, as delegates of the 
grand army of the Democracy and Conser- 
vative men of Indiana — I congratulate 
myself — I congratulate the State, and the 
whole Union upon the positive manifestations 
of earnestness, of determination, of enthu- 
siasm which I see reflected from the faces of 
all in attendance here to-day. And when I 
speak of the whole Union, gentlemen, I mean 
not a segment of it, but the Union as an 
entirety, "one and inseparable.'' I believe, 
my fellow citizens, that the terrible storms 
and the woeful troubles which have torn and 



14 



distracted this nation for the past five j^ears, 
and drenched many of its fair iields with the 
blood of its best and noblest citizens, are now 
past. I can to-day penetrate the dark'clouds, 
and throngh them see gleaming in brightness 
the day star, pointing us onward, and speak- 
ing of hope and liberty for all the people. 
Looking thus upon its brilliant promise, there 
is no cause to despair of the Republic. I do 
not intend to indulge in any lengthy remarks 
— it is not the time for me to do so. I pre- 
sume, however, that every delegate in this 
Convention will be heard from, either by his 
speech or his vote, in reference to his inten- 
tions for the coming and important canvass 
for which we are met here to-day to prepare. 
The earnestness of your purpose, and yoilr 
determination to succeed, shows out in every 
eye — is written upon every face — to succeed 
not only for the sake of party, but for the 
still nobler purpose of principle; for I believe 
that the success of the great principles for 
■which we arc contending will be the success 
of the country — the perpetuity of the Gov- 
ernment. With these few remarks, I await 
the further order of this Convention. 

•On motion, a call of the counties was made 
to ascertain the number of delegates in 
attendance, and receive their credentials, 
when the following counties responded: 
Adams, 8; Allen, 26; Bartholomew, 14; Benton, 
2; Boone, 10; Brown, 6; Carroll, 10; Cass, 12; 
Clark, 12; Clay, 9; Clinton, 9; Crawford, 5; 
Daviess, 8; Dearborn, 18; Decatur, 11; De- 
Kalb, 10; Delaware, 7; Dubois, 7; Elkhart, 
12; Fayette, 6; Floyd, 10; Fountain, 11; 
Franklin, 16; Fulton, 7; Gibson, 8; Grant, 9; 
Green, 10; Hamilton, 8; Hancock, 8; Harrison, 
10; Hendricks, 8; Henry, 8; Howard, 6; Hun- 
tington, 10; Jackson, 12; Jasper, 2; Jay, 8; 
Jefferson, . 12; Jennings, 9; Johnson, 12; 
Knox, 11; Kosciusco, 10; Lagrange, 5; Lake, 
4; Laportc, 14; Lawrence, 8; Madison, 13; 
Marion, 26; Marshall, 11; Martin, 6; .Miami, 
12; Monroe, 9; Montgomery, 14; Morgan, 10; 
Newton, 2; Noble, 9; Ohio, 3; Orange, 8; 
Owen, 10; Parke, 8; Perry, 0; Pike, 4; Porter, 
7; Posey, 9; Pulaski, 4; Putnam, 14; Ran- 
dolph, 9; Ripley, 12; Rush, 12; Scott, 5; 
Shelby, 15; Spencer, 8; Stark, 2; Steuben, 3; 
St. Joseph, 11; Sullivan, 13; Switzerland, 7; 
Tippecanoe, 16; Tipton, 6; Union, 5; Vander- 
burgh, 13; Vermillion, 6: Vigo, 14; Wabash, 
9; Warren, 5; Warrick, 7; Washington, 13; 
Wayne, 14; Wells, 8; White, 7; Whitley, 8. 
Total number of delegates, 850. 

Upon the conclusion of the call of the list 
of delegates, on motion of Mr. Ceokerly, of 
Vigo, Hon. C. L. Dunham, of Floyd county, 
was chosen permanent President of the Con- 
vention. 

Joseph J. Bingham, of Marion county, was 
chosen Secretary, and, on motion, all the 
Democratic editoi's in the State present were 
appointed Assistant Secretaries. 

On motion of Judge Hanna, of Sullivan, 



a committee, consisting of one delegate from 
each Congressional District, was selected by 
the District delegations to prepare resolu- 
tions, and an address to the people of the 
State upon the questions now at issue before 
the country. 

The committee so selected consisted of the 
following gentlemen: 

First District — Hon. Wra. E. Niblack. 

Second District — John B. Norman. 

Third District — -Jeptha D. New. 

Fourth District — Marcus Levi. 

Fifth District — Lafe Develin. 

Sixth District — Joseph E. McDonald. 

Seventh District — James M. Hanna. 

Eighth District — John B. Milroy. 

Ninth District — Nathan 0. Ross. 

Tenth District— Alfred P. Edgerton. 

Eleventh District — Jehu R. Coifroth. 

POST-OFFICE ADDRESS OF DELEGATES. 

.Mr. Talbott, of Marion, offered the follow- 
ing resolution, which was adopted: 

Resolved, That lu reporting the names of delegates 
for the various counties, the full name and post-ofBce 
address of each delegate he given ; and the full name 
and post-ofBce address be appended to the delegate list 
of the Chairmen of the several Democratic County Cen- 
tral Committees. 



On 



STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 

motion of Hon. Joseph E. McDonald, 



of Marion, the delegations from the several 
Congressional Districts were ordered to 
report to the chair the name of one man from 
each of the districts but the Sixth, and five 
men from the Sixtl*, to compose the Demo- 
cratic State Central Committee. 

On motion of Mi-. Whittlesey, of Vander- 
burgh, the names of candidates for the several 
offices were then announced. 

Mr. George E. Greene, of Knox, offered the 
following resolution, which was adopted: 

Eesolced, That an assessment of fifty dollars he made 
upon each Ccngressional District to\yard liquidating a 
debt already owing by the State Central Committeo, and 
to defray expenses of the present Convention, said assess- 
ment te be paid to Aquilla Jones, Treasurer of said 
Committee. 

The several districts responded to the res- 
olution promptly, and paid in the amounts 
required of them. 

The Convention then called loudly for a 
speech from Hon. D. W. Voorhees. He 
briefly responded in one of the happiest and 
most telling speeches of his life, which 
elicited the wildest applause throughout its 
delivery. 

At the conclusion of Mr. Voorhees' speech, 
the Convention, at 1 o'clock, took a recess of 
one hour. 



AFTEENOON SESSION. 

The Convention again assembled at 2 
o'clock. 

The President announced that the tirst busi- 
ness ?ti order was the report by the several 



15 



districts of the names of the gentlemen 
selected sis members of the State Centriil 
Committee. 

STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 

The report of the districts was announced 
as follows: 

First District — George E. Greene, of Knox. 

Second District — Levi Sparks, of Clark. 

Third District— B. F.J ones, of Bartholomew. 

Fourth District — William S. Hall, of Hush. 

Fifth District— \V. P. Applegate, of Fayette. 

Sixth District— W. H. Talbott, Aquilla 
Jones, R. H. Hall and Valentine Butsch, of 
Marion, and Wm. H. Jennings, of Johnson. 

Seventh District. — Thos. Dowling, of Vigo. 

Eighth District — L. B. Stockton, of Tippe- 
canoe. 

Ninth District — Thos. D. Lemon, of Laporte. 

Tenth District — Thos. Davenport, of Kosci- 
usko. 

Eleventh District — James Sweetzer, of 
Grant. 

Judge Hanna, of Sullivan, Chairman of the 
Com.mittee on Resolutions, stated that the 
X-Smmittee was prepared to report. In con- 
se.'iuence of the great length of the address, j 
aad the limited time the Convention had the* 
use of the hall, he asked to be excused from 
reading; but he said it had had the unanimous 
approval of the committee. The Convention 
having granted his request, he read the resolu- 
tions as follows: 

1. Resolved, That among the powers reserved to the 
States, that of withdrawal, at will, from the Union, can 
not be found, and, consequently, such doctrine can be 
asserted only as a revolutionary mea.sure, and not peace- 
ably as a right, and the late action of the Southern 
people, in resorting to such means as a mode of redress 
of grievances, was illegal, and h.id no sust.nining principle 
but that of physical force, and that having proved insuf- 
ficient, those people became remitted to their constitu- 
tional obligations and rights, of which obedience and 
protection are chief. 

2. Resolved, That the principles avowed by President 
Johnson in his annual message, looking to the early 
practical restoration of all the States to their rights in 
the Union, meets with our hearty approval ; and the 
action of the m,"ijority in Congress, dictated as it maybe 
by revenge, fanaticism, or lust for political power, and 
being exerted to thnist such States out of the Union, we 
solemnly condemn ; therefore, we cordially indorse the 
veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill, and declare that in 
our judgment the courage displaj'ed, the doctrines 
avowed, and the high sense of right manifested in that 
message, and subsequent speeches, promise well for the 
future' administration of the President, and we hereby 
pledge him the earnest and disinterested support of the 
Indiana Democracy in all his conflicts with that fanatical 
Congrfssion,al m,ijority, in his laudable efforts to prevent 
them fronr changing or destroying our cherished form of 
Government. 

3. Resolved, That, in our opinion, the sole power of 
the Senate and House of Representatives over the 
admission of members to their respective chambers, is 
confined to the " election, return and qualifications of its 
members respectively;" that this convention further 
decl.'ires its conviction that Congre.ss, in rejecting from 
representation eleven States, acknowledged to be in the 
Union, bj' having their votes counted in favor of the 
constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, the Sen,'ite 
and House have usurped powers not delegated to thcin 
by the Constitution, and are 'acting in violation thereof. 
We further believe that all members from the Southern 
States who have been legally elected, and possess the 
constitutional qualifications, should be immediately ad- 
mitted, and upon the refusal of Congress to admit the 



members of such States to fheir seats, it is the preroga- 
tive and duty of the President of the United States to 
defend and uphold the integrity of every State now in tho 
Union, and " to take care that the laws be faithfully 
executed." 

i- Resolved, That we are inflexibly opposed to a pro- 
hibitory or protective tariff, for the reason that it largely 
increases the price of all articles of consumption, and 
decreases the revenues of the Government ; that it ope- 
rates greatly to add to the onerous burdens of industry, 
while it yearly adds fabulous wealth tothe manufacturing 
interests of New England, and that it is oppressive to 
the great agricultural interest of tho North-West, in 
making such interest subservient to that of the manu- 
facturing, by greatly decreasing the profits of the former, 
and largely increasing that of the latter. 

5. Resolved, That we declare it to be a just principle 
that taxation and representation should go together — 
that property of every description, whether houses, 
lands, merchandise or Government bonds, should bear 
its fair share of taxation, and that there shoiild be no 
"favored classes " on tho duplicate. The man who has 
money to buy bonds, and live on the interest, is exempt, 
and contributes not a dollar to support State, county, or 
city. As Democrats, we are compelled to say that these 
laws are unjust, oppressive, and should be changed, ^e 
believe that the men who voted for them should not lie 
trusted, and that the party which sustains them should 
not have charge of this Government. We ask that all 
men pay in proportion to their wealth, to their means 
and ability. 

6. Resolved, Tliat the repudiation of the rebel debt by 
the Southern States themsi/lves, by solemn enactment, 
h.as relieved the people of the nation from all apprehen- 
sions that they will ever be called upon to pay any por- 
tion of the same ; but if this is not deemed sufficient, the 
Democracy hereby declare that no portion of that unjust 
debt shall ever be paid with our consent. 

7. Resolved, That the soldiers who left the comforts of 
a home to sustain the flag of our country, are entitled 
to, and should receive, the heartfelt thanks of a grateful 
people. And those who early rushed to the standard 
should, by the action of Congress, be equ-illy remuner- 
ated, by an equalization of bounties, or otherwise, with 
their brethren who, at a later day, were called upori to 
fulfil that highest duty of a citizen. 

8. Resolved, That we will cheerfully and heartily 
sustain the men who, in an official capacity, either State 
or national, shall be guided by the principles we this day 
avow ; and in so doing, we will not let party affiliations 
prejudice our action. 

9. Resolved, That the vote of the House of Keprcsen- 
tatives conferring the right of suffrage upon negroes, 
against the almost unanimous vote of the people of the 
District of Columbia, shows a recklessness which none 
but fanatics would defend, and none but tyrants practice ; 
and we hereby denounce that vote as a precursor of uni- 
versal negro suffrage, and to other outrages upon the 
rights and liberties of the people of the various States. 

10. Resolved, That we are opposed to the repeal of the 
Thirteenth Article of the Constitution of Indiana, pro- 
hibiting negroes and mulattoes from settling in this 
State, and now, more than ever, deprecate the entrance 
of that class of persons within its borders; and we do 
most emphatically condemn and disapprove the action 
of the Republican m.ijority in the late General .\sscmbly 
of Indiana, in^assing through the House a joint resolu- 
tion providing for the abrogation of that Article of the 
Constitution. 

11. Resolved, That we are in favor of the Legislature, 
by friendly enactments, encouraging immigration to the 
State. 

12. Resolved, That eight hours in twenty-four is as 
long as a laboring man can work and have left to him 
sufBcient time for rest and improvement; and \vc there- 
fore insist that it shall be declared by statute that eight 
hours shall constitute a legal day's work. 

13. Resolved, That we are in favor of religious tolera- 
tion, as the founders of our Democratic institutions 
achieved and understood it, ami which they secured |p 
all our people by constitutional guarantees; am! we 
declare that this great principle, and the personal rights 
of every citizen, oughi to be maintained free from inva- 
sion, cither by means of legislative iffferference, or the 
equally tyranical proscription of political parties, founded 
on bigotry and intolerance. 

14. Resolved, That the immense frauds, in financial, 
cotton, and other matters, practiced by the State and 



16 



Federal governments, under abolition rule, is deserving 
the stern condemnation of tbis Convention. 

15. Resolved, That all prohibitory liquor laws, or 
laws affecting the private rights of citizens to use their 
own time in innocent pursuits, or to force men to abstain 
by law, under pains and penalties, are injurious to the 
cause of personal temperance and morality, and should 
be discountenanced. The agencies of moral suasion are 
more in consonance with the character of our people and 
their institutions. The luxury of doing right without 
constraint is, to all men, an ennobling sentiment. We 
further believe that the people of Indiana have had quite 
Miough of " Maine Lawism," under the fanatical rule of 
men opposed to the Democratic party, in days gone by, 
and, with our consent, that kind of legislation shall 
never be re-enacted in this State. We are equally hos- 
tile to the pet law of the Eepublican fanatics, defeated 
by Democratic votes at the late e.xtra session of the 
General Assembly, and all kindred legislation. AVe 
shall oppose all radical temperance and other schemes 
having for their object the annoyance of any class of our 
people. 

16. Resolved, That Senator Hendricks, and Repre- 
sentatives Niblack, Kerr, and Voorhees, by their untiring 
devotion to constitutional liberty, have shown themselves 
true patriots; and the expulsion of Mr. Voorhees from 
the House, we denounce as a high-handed outrage of a 
profligate, unscrupulous party. 

The resolutions were unanimously adopted, 
and were received with thunders of applause. 

Mr. Harrington, of Jefferson county, sub- 
mitted the following resolution, which was 
unanimously adopted: 

Resolved, That the money expended in support of 
the Freedmen's Bureau, ought, of right and justice, to 
be applied to the relief of the widows and orphans of 
the white soldiers who have fallen in battle. 

The President then announced that the 
next business in order was the nomination of 
candidates for the various State offices to be 
filled at the election in October next. 
• Mr. Buskirk, of Monroe, arose to a personal 
explanation, and in a few pertinent remarks 
withdrew his name as candidate for Secretary 
of State. 

Mr. Kent, of White, withdrew the name of 
Judge Swaar as a candidate for Secretary of 
State. 

Gen. Miihlon D. Manson, of Montgomery, 
was unanimously nominated us the candidate 
for Secretary of State. 

After the first ballot, Christian G. Badger, 
of Clark, was declared the unanimous nom- 
inee of' the Convention, for Auditor of State. 

James B. Ryan, of Marion county, having 
no opposition, was nominated by acclamation 
for Treasurer of State. 

John K. Coffroth, of Huntington county, 
was unanimously nominated for Attorney 
General. 

After the first ballot, all the other candi- 
dates having been withdrawn, Rev. R. M. Chap- 
man, of Knox, was declared the unanimous 
nominee of the Convention, for Superintendent 
of Public Instruction. 



The following resolution was offered by 
Hon. J. E. McDonald, of Marion, and unani- 
mously adopted: 

Resolved,_ That the State Central Committee be direc- 
ted to publish 50,000 copies of the proceedings of this 
Convention, including the Address and Resolutions sub- 
mitted by the Committee on Resolutions and adopted by 
the Convention ; and not less than 20,000 copies in the 
German language. 

On motion of Mr. Hanna, of Vigo, a reso- 
lution was adopted endorsing the Indi- 
anapolis Herald and Volksblatt. 

On motion, the thanks of the Convention 
were tendered to Hon. Cyrus L. Dunham for 
the able, impartial and efficient manner in 
which he had presided over the deliberations 
of tjie Convention. 

Colonel Dunham was then called for, and 
in a brief though able, eloquent and telling 
speech, addressed the Convention. He re- 
viewed the history of the Republican party, 
showing its total inadequacy to the pacifica- 
tion of the country — its malignant animus 
toward those who were earnestly desirous of 
being reinstated in the Union — the anar- 
chical tendency of that party, and its total 
unfitness to govern a great people like out 
own. He endorsed the action of the Pres- 
ident, in so far as it bore upon the restoratioa 
of the Union and the peace and harmony of 
all the citizens of our common country. 

The candidates were then called for. In 
response, Gen. M. D. Manson took the stand 
and thanked the Convention for the expres- 
sions of confidence in him, and assured its 
members that he would enter earnestly into 
the canvass, and if e'lected, would discharge 
his duties faithfully and in such a manner as 
the people would not be ashamed of him. 

Mr. J. B. Ryan addressed the Convention 
briefly, thanking it for the marked unanimity 
which it had manifested in his nomination. 
If elected, he would labor to advance the best 
interests of the State and faithfully discharge 
his duties as an officer. He said he would 
not attempt to make a speech, and if he was 
not an impudent Irishman, it was very doubt- 
ful whether he'd have been bold enough to 
take the stand. He sat down amid the most 
enthusiastic applause. 

A resolution was passed, thanking all tJie 
railroads — except the Lafayette & Iiidiima- 
polis — centering at Indianapolis, for the 
courtesy shown the Convention by the issue 
of half-fare tickets to its members. 

The Convention then, on motion, adjourned 
sine die. c. L. Dunham, 

J. J. Bingham, President. 

Secretary. 



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